Column: Why Republicans are suddenly reluctant to condemn political violence

A masked insurgent carries a red flag that says "Trump Nation" in the Capitol Rotunda.
Trump supporters pressured their means into the U.S. Capitol in January. Was that just the start of violent political motion by the far proper?
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Occasions)

The Republican Occasion has an issue with political violence: It’s undecided whether or not it’s for it or in opposition to it.

Within the first days after a mob loyal to former President Trump stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6 to attempt to block Congress from certifying President Biden’s election, GOP leaders delivered a smart, unified response: There’s no place in our constitutional system for that type of violence.

Since January, although, some main Republicans have been backsliding — providing excuses for the insurgents who sought to overturn the election by extralegal means.

Rep. Andrew S. Clyde of Georgia has likened the pressured entrance of the Capitol to “a standard vacationer go to.” Arizona Rep. Paul Gosar complained final month that the FBI was “harassing peaceable patriots” by investigating the occasions. Twenty-one Home Republicans voted in opposition to awarding a medal to the Capitol Police for trying to defend the constructing; a number of stated they objected to calling the riot an “rebel.”

Final week, Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin defended the protesters, too. “The overwhelming majority of the group, they have been in a jovial temper,” he stated final week. “They weren’t violent.”

And retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who served briefly as Trump’s nationwide safety advisor, not too long ago advised an viewers that a Myanmar-like coup “ought to occur right here.” He later denied having stated that, but it surely was captured on videotape.

These aren't good indicators for the Republican Occasion.

These feedback don’t mirror the emotions of each Republican. Senate Minority Chief Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Home Minority Chief Kevin McCarthy of Bakersfield have each condemned the Jan. 6 riot.

However a major chunk of the get together’s most fervent supporters aren’t so certain, and so they illustrate the GOP’s dilemma. At a time when the get together wants each vote it might muster, it might’t threat alienating loyal supporters, even when they embrace violence.

In a survey by the conservative American Enterprise Institute after the riot in January, 56% of Republicans agreed that “the normal American lifestyle is disappearing so quick that we could have to make use of drive to reserve it.”

In the identical ballot, 79% of Republicans stated they nonetheless had a positive view of Trump — and 36% stated “very favorable.”

That consensus has made GOP politicians afraid of crossing Trump or questioning the actions of his most zealous supporters, together with the Jan. 6 revolutionaries.

Republican officers in each Georgia and Arizona, the place Trump remains to be agitating to reverse the election outcomes, say their households have been bodily threatened by the previous president’s supporters.

When the Home voted to question Trump in January, Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) advised CNN, “There have been members who advised me that they have been afraid for their very own safety — afraid, in some cases, for his or her lives.”

The consequence, says Tufts College political scholar Daniel Drezner, is a GOP that has begun to resemble Lebanon’s Hezbollah, “a political get together that additionally has an armed wing to coerce different political actors by violence.”

“The comparability is stronger now than earlier than,” Drezner advised me final week. “The Republicans who wished to question Trump have been marginalized, and the state events sound increasingly more secessionist with every passing day.”

The willingness of right-wing extremists to resort to violence didn’t start on Jan. 6 — and Trump has lengthy sounded as if he was encouraging them.

Amid the COVID-19 pandemic final 12 months, for instance, he urged supporters to “liberate” their states from Democratic governors. Trump backers in Michigan responded by storming the state Capitol, and 6 have been later indicted on suspicion of plotting to kidnap and homicide Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.

Earlier than Jan. 6, Trump summoned his loyalists to Washington (“Will probably be wild!” he promised) and advised them: “If you happen to don’t battle like hell you’re not going to have a rustic anymore.” His defenders stated he didn’t imply for the phrase “battle” to incite precise fight.

At this level, some readers could ask: However what in regards to the Democrats? Don’t they've a violent fringe, too?

Not likely. The antifa motion, which conservatives level to for instance of left-wing violence, isn’t a part of the Democratic Occasion; its militants don’t wave Biden flags, present up at Biden rallies or, normally, help Biden in any respect. And whereas Republicans have attacked Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles) for urging demonstrators to “get extra confrontational,” that comparability doesn’t maintain, both; no matter Waters meant by these phrases, she isn’t her get together’s two-time presidential nominee and leader-in-exile.

That is the Republican Occasion’s downside, and Republicans want to unravel it.

They're attempting to tiptoe round a elementary downside: Their candidate misplaced a presidential election, however he not solely refuses to simply accept the voters’ verdict; he needs his get together to “battle” to revive him to energy.

They need to transfer previous the embarrassment of Jan. 6 — however that may’t occur till they settle their inner debate: Are they a celebration that condones extraconstitutional violence or not?

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